Category Archives: Indigenous Resources

Federal Indian Day Schools: Education under the Indian Act—what did this mean for Métis Nation and Inuit children?

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By William Benoit and Alyssa White

This article contains historical language and content that may be considered offensive, such as language used to refer to racial, ethnic and cultural groups. Please see our historical language advisory for more information.

The federal government, in cooperation with the Roman Catholic, Anglican, United and Presbyterian churches, operated nearly 700 Federal Indian Day Schools (Day Schools) across the country, in every province and territory except for Newfoundland and Labrador. They operated from the 1860s to the 1990s. Unlike Indian Residential Schools, Day Schools were only operated during the day. However, their purpose was like that of their residential counterparts: to assimilate First Nations, Inuit and Métis Nation children into white society and by extension erase their Indigenous languages and cultures.

Black-and-white photograph of a white-frame bungalow with a hip roof located behind a wire fence with wooden posts and an opened metal gate.

Fishing Lake Day School, near Wadena, Saskatchewan, ca. 1948. (e011080261)

Many Indigenous students who attended Day Schools faced verbal, physical and sexual abuse during their time in that system. In addition, communities were not given a say in the curriculum or how the schools were run. It was not until the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s—when the federal government started transferring control of Day Schools to the First Nations and Inuit they ostensibly served—that these communities had any management over what and how their children were taught.

Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada estimates that between 180,000 and 210,000 individuals attended a Federal Day School between 1923 and 1994, based on historical departmental enrolment data and actuarial expertise. The system did not impact all First Nations, Inuit and Métis Nation in the same fashion. The largest percentage of students was First Nations, with Inuit and Métis Nation students representing smaller percentages. Each group had a unique relationship with the federal government – including whether or not the government would acknowledge the Métis or Inuit as being part of their educational or financial responsibility – and distinctive difficulties and problems were created not just in the educational services the government purported to provide to Canada’s Indigenous Peoples, but also in the care and consistency with which they kept their records.

This article will discuss the impact of the Federal Day Schools upon Métis Nation and Inuit communities, as their experiences were different and often less documented than those of First Nations.

Métis Nation children at Federal Indian Day Schools: numbers are not determinable

Did Métis Nation children attend Federal Indian Day Schools across Canada? The answer is yes, though determining the number of identifiable Métis students is practically impossible. But one can safely assume that Métis and non-Status Indian students residing in the catchment areas of Federal Indian Day Schools may have attended those schools. This is particularly probable if there was no provincial or church-run school in the vicinity for those children to attend.

The federal government has focused its attention on individuals who fall under the Indian Act. Historically, it speaks most of those who have Indian Status and less of those whom it identifies as Métis and non-Status Indian. This glib observation is key to any discussion of Métis attendance at Federal Indian Day Schools. It speaks to historical Métis access to education, health programs and other government services. Métis and non-Status individuals have been subjected to what has been referred to as a “jurisdictional wasteland” and “tug-of-war,” since both the federal and provincial governments have denied responsibility for, and legislative authority over, these peoples.

The Indian Act

One must also consider the larger discussion of status as defined by the Indian Act and how it impacts the self-identity of Indigenous peoples.

Under the Indian Act, Status Indians are wards of the Canadian federal government, a paternalistic legal relationship that illustrates the historical imperial notion that Indigenous peoples are like children, requiring control and direction to bring them into more “civilized” colonial ways of life. Federal Indian Day Schools, like Indian Residential Schools, were the federal government’s response to its need to control and direct its wards.

The Indian Act applies only to Status Indians and has not historically recognized Métis and Inuit. As a result, Métis and Inuit have not had Indian status and the rights conferred by this status, despite being Indigenous and participating in Canadian nation-building.

History and context surrounding the identification of Métis Nation children

Accurate attendance numbers of non-Status Indians (First Nations), Métis and Inuit are dependent on whether the federal government acknowledged its legal responsibility to legislate on issues related to them. For Inuit, the government’s legal obligation is usually considered to begin in 1939, following the Supreme Court decision in Reference as to whether “Indians” includes “Eskimo” (1). For Métis and non-Status Indians, the date is 2016, when the Supreme Court ruled that they should also legally be considered “Indians” under the Constitution Act (2).

Federal government records reflect the sad fact that little, or no data was collected when there was no legal obligation to serve these communities. Consequently, Federal Day School records created between the 1860s and the 1990s do not clearly identify Métis and non-Status students. A similar point could be made for Inuit prior to 1939. Unfortunately, this means that government records do not provide a clear understanding of the numbers of Métis children who attended Federal Indian Day Schools.

Inuit children at Federal Indian Day Schools: taken far from family and home

Today, four regions make up Inuit Nunangat: the Inuvialuit Settlement Region (northern Northwest Territories), Nunavut, Nunavik (northern Quebec) and Nunatsiavut (northern Labrador). While the earliest Federal Day Schools in southern Canada were opened in the early 1860s, the opening of schools in Nunavut did not occur until the late 1940s through mid 1950s.

Graphic image of a map. The land mass is light green and the areas showing water are blue. The community names are written in Inuktitut syllabics, followed by the Inuit name and the English name.

Map of Inuit Nunangat (Inuit homeland). Courtesy of Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami.

Some of the closest school options for Inuit children would have been at Old Crow Village (Yukon), Fort Simpson (Northwest Territories), Churchill (Manitoba), Fort Severn (Ontario) and Fort George (Quebec), but these schools were not necessarily permanent. It was not uncommon for remote Day Schools to close periodically for years.

In contrast to Indian Residential Schools (or Federal Hostels), which housed students on site and away from their families and homes, Day Schools were built so that students would be able to return home after their school day and not be required to travel extended distances to live elsewhere for months at a time. The catch to this was that Day Schools were typically only built on or near First Nation communities, with little consideration of Inuit communities and students until the 1940s.

Although Day Schools were intended to prevent separation and alienation, Inuit children would end up being taken, sometimes suddenly and without warning for extended distances to live elsewhere to attend a Day School. The schools were often located in areas with completely different climates, ecosystems, social cultures and languages, with unrecognizable plants or animals. Shock would be too gentle a word to describe the sense of alienation those children must have felt on arrival.

This picture below, by all appearances, shows a happy moment caught on film: two smiling boys enjoying a day out with their families to see an airplane in the hamlet of Iglulik. What this photograph does not show is what happened minutes later, when the boys were put onto the plane and taken 800 kilometres away to Sir Joseph Bernier Federal Day School in Igluligaarjuk (Chesterfield Inlet) without any prior knowledge of what was about to happen. (3)

Black-and-white photograph of two boys standing on a shoreline looking at the camera.

Kutik (Richard Immaroitok) and Louis Tapadjuk (right), Iglulik, Nunavut, 1958. (e004923422)

Considering that school attendance was compulsory by the 1920s, one can imagine the compounded stress and fear experienced by Inuit families when it came to federal control of their children’s education.

Day Schools in the North were not large facilities, commonly consisting of one to three classrooms and a teacherage, facilitating anywhere from eight to two dozen students at a time depending on location and local population. Once a school was full, any additional children in the area would have been sent further south and west until room could be found for them.

Colour photograph of two one-story frame buildings painted pale green located on a rocky foreground with a large tree-covered hill in the background. There is a white sign with black lettering mounted on wood posts on the left side.

Reindeer Station Day School, Qunngilaaq, Northwest Territories, between 1950 and 1960. (e011864959)

Children who did not have access to a local Day School were sent to residential, boarding or foster homes in communities ranging anywhere from hundreds to thousands of kilometres away from their families and everything that was familiar to them. They would be handed over to the care and keeping of total strangers, in places that would have been entirely strange to them, that they were not free to leave. Visits from family were not guaranteed due to travel costs and time. This meant that Inuit students were separated from their families not just for months but occasionally for years at a time.

Between the 1940s and 1980s, more schools were built across the country, including locations in the far North, such as those serving the remote communities on the southern shore of Ellesmere Island and Resolute Bay in Nunavut.

To give a better idea of the spread and demographics of Day Schools in Canada and the struggles of remote communities, of the 699 Day Schools on record, a total of 75 were opened across the combined land masses of the Yukon, Northwest Territories, Nunavut and northern Quebec. Only seven of those existed prior to the 1940s (in the Yukon and Northwest Territories), with the other 68 being built between 1940 and 1969.

The Day Schools Project

The Day Schools Project (DSP) is identifying, describing, digitizing and making accessible government records that include information pertaining to Federal Indian Day Schools. The project’s goal is to prepare these files and documents for public access.

The records being digitized include nominal rolls from various schools across Canada as well as information regarding foster homes, boarding homes, hostels, transfer requests and authorizations, adoption records and school discharge records. These can be used to trace the trail of schools and homes that many Indigenous children passed through.

It is important to note that most of the Day Schools records are restricted by law but can still be accessed according to access to information and privacy legislation. The DSP is trying to build foundations to make access to records as easy as possible. This includes identifying ways to make current procedures and resources easier for people to understand and navigate, for example, by adding detailed information to the archival records. To learn more about accessing records digitized by the DSP, see the Day Schools Project: Overview and the Day Schools Project: Research Guide.

Besides making information more accessible to Indigenous communities, Day School records can be accessed by the public, many of whom were never taught about these histories and as a result never truly understood the scope of the scars they have left behind.

Ultimately, First Nations, Inuit and the Métis Nation need access to the histories for healing, finding closure and continuing the work of building towards their futures. The general Canadian public needs access to these histories to better understand the realities of how this country was formed and to support a future that is and does better for all its people.

The road to reconciliation is long, but the key to progress is in access to information and public education. Indigenous data sovereignty and community access to documents remain some of the greatest hurdles still to overcome.

Additional resources (Library and Archives Canada)

External resources

References

  1. Reference as to whether “Indians” includes “Eskimo,”1939 CanLII 22, [1939] SCR 104 is a decision by the Supreme Court of Canada regarding the constitutional status of Inuit in Canada. The case concerned section 91(24) of the Constitution Act, 1867, then the British North America Act, 1867, which assigns jurisdiction over “Indians, and Lands reserved for the Indians” to the federal government. The Supreme Court found that for the purposes of section 91(24), Inuit should be considered Indians.
  2. Daniels v. Canada (Indian Affairs and Northern Development), 2016 SCC 12, [2016] 1 SCR 99 is a decision by the Supreme Court of Canada regarding the constitutional status of Métis and non-Status Indians in Canada. The Métis Nation and non-Status Indians are also “Indians” under s. 91(24). The Supreme Court of Canada ruled in Daniels v. Canada that the federal government, rather than provincial governments, holds the legal responsibility to legislate on issues related to Métis and non-Status Indians. Section 91(24) of the Constitution Act, 1867 concerns the federal government’s exclusive legislative powers.
    Note: Recognition as Indians (First Nation individuals) under this section of law is not the same as Indian status, which is defined by the Indian Act. Therefore, the Daniels decision does not grant Indian status to Métis or non-Status peoples. However, the ruling could result in new discussions, negotiations and possible litigation with the federal government over land claims and access to education, health programs and other government services.
  3. Greenhorn, Beth. “The Story behind Project Naming at Library and Archives Canada.” In Atiquput: Inuit Oral History and Project Naming, edited by Carol Payne, Beth Greenhorn, Deborah Kigjugalik Webster and Christina Williamson, 70-71. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2022.

William Benoit is the Indigenous Advisor on the Day Schools Project.
Alyssa White is an Archival Assistant on the Day Schools Project.

Understanding Day School Records at Library and Archives Canada

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By Marc St. Dennis

This article contains historical language and content that may be considered offensive, such as language used to refer to racial, ethnic and cultural groups. Please see our historical language advisory for more information.

The Day Schools Project at Library and Archives Canada aims to identify, digitize, and describe records related to the federal Indian Day Schools (hereafter Day Schools) system, making them more accessible for survivors, their families, and researchers. Many First Nations, Inuit, and Métis Nation children attended these schools, which were part of a broader system of colonial assimilation policies. The first federally funded Day Schools were established in the 1870s, with the last closing or transferring to community control in the early 2000s. The Day Schools Project began in 2022 and is set to conclude in 2026.

A site map and technical plan with five black-and-white photographs on discoloured yellow paper.

Site and technical plans and photographs of Aiyansh Day School, near Terrace, British Columbia, 1967, RG22, box number 10, file number 2909. (e011814153)

As an archivist working on this project, I spend my days digging through historical records—some fascinating, some routine, and some that carry the weight of the past. If you’ve ever wondered what kinds of documents are tucked away in these files, you’re in the right place.

Researching Day Schools can feel a bit like detective work. You open a file hoping for a clear answer, but instead find administrative reports, financial records, health records, and maybe even a surprise or two—like a hand-drawn school layout sketch on the back of an old memo. The key to understanding these records is knowing what types of documents exist and what they can tell us.

Uncovering Injustices in the Records

While some records may seem routine, they often reveal deeper injustices. Day Schools were part of a system that sought to assimilate First Nations, Inuit, and Métis Nation children, often through harsh discipline, inadequate resources, and a disregard for students’ well-being. Unlike Residential Schools, Day School students returned home (parental or other) in the evenings, but this did not mean they were spared from mistreatment, neglect, or abuse.

Colour photograph of six children standing in the snow, wearing red, white, or blue parkas, with their backs to the viewer as they look at a wooden nativity scene leaning against a framed building.

Inuit children in front of a nativity scene, Pangnirtung Day School, Nunavut, between 1950 and 1960, Joseph Vincent Jacobson and family fonds. (e011864991)

Many former students recall physical, emotional, and even sexual abuse at these schools. Some files contain evidence of these injustices, including complaints made by parents, records of punishments, or internal reports on misconduct. However, it’s important to recognize that records often reflect the institutional bias of school staff and the federal government. School administrators, teachers, and government agents were more likely to document disciplinary actions in ways that justified their own behaviours rather than acknowledging harm done to students. Reports may downplay or dismiss allegations of abuse, and language in official records often reflects the prejudices of the time, portraying Indigenous students as problematic or difficult rather than victims of systemic mistreatment.

Similarly, events and policies described in these records may be framed in a way that serves the interests of the government rather than reflecting the true experiences of students. For example, improvements in school conditions may be presented as sufficient responses to systemic neglect, even when students continued to face serious hardships. Researchers must approach these documents critically, understanding that what is written on paper does not always align with the lived realities of those who attended these schools. Context is essential—by reading between the lines, cross-referencing sources, and centring survivor testimonies, we can gain a more accurate picture of the injustices that took place.

Black album page with eight black-and-white photographs mounted on two rows with typewritten descriptions on white paper below each one.

Photographs taken at Tetl’it Zheh (formerly known as Fort McPherson) and Tsiigehtchic (formerly known as Arctic Red River), and in the vicinity of Thunder River, Northwest Territories, the former Department of Indian Affairs, R216, RG85, volume 14980, album 37, page 95. (e010983667)

What’s in the Records

The records we work with come from government departments, school administrators, and other officials involved in the operation of the Day Schools system across Canada. These files provide a detailed picture of what these schools were like, who attended them, how they were run, and the challenges that students faced.

Cream coloured sheet of paper with blue lines with seven black-and-white photographs mounted on three rows, and a hand-drawn architectural plan on the third row. Below each photograph is a handwritten caption in blue ink.

Big Eddy Day School, The Pas, Manitoba, ca. summer 1947, the former Department of Indian and Northern Affairs. (e011078102)

The documents left behind tell a complex story of daily life in these schools. Attendance reports and lesson plans provide glimpses into the classroom, while report cards reflect both student progress and the biases of the system. Medical reports and sanitation records reveal the often-poor conditions children endured, and financial ledgers expose how resources were allocated—or withheld—impacting the quality of education and care.

Letters and memos paint a picture of strained relationships between school staff, government officials, and families. Agreements between governments and school operators illustrate the shifting responsibilities and lack of accountability, while resignation letters hint at the high turnover of teachers. Maintenance reports document deteriorating buildings, and truancy records show how students were monitored and disciplined—often harshly.

Please keep in mind that individual student files might not contain all these types of records.

Together, these records provide crucial context for understanding the experiences of First Nations, Inuit, and Métis Nation students at these schools, uncovering both the daily realities and the broader systemic injustices they faced.

How These Records Support Truth and Reconciliation

Understanding what happened in Day Schools is crucial to reconciliation. Survivors have shared their experiences, and historical records provide documented evidence that supports their truths. These files are essential for several reasons:

  • Legal claims: Survivors who made claims under the Federal Indian Day Schools Settlement Agreement used these records to help verify their attendance at a specific school or provide supporting documentation for their experiences.
  • Family history: Descendants of Day School students can use these records to learn more about their relatives’ education and experiences.
  • Academic research: Scholars and historians studying the impact of these schools on Indigenous communities rely on these records to uncover policies, funding disparities, and systemic mistreatment.
  • Public awareness: Making these records accessible ensures that Canada does not forget this painful chapter of its history and helps promote broader understanding and accountability.

If you’re researching Day Schools—whether for family history, legal claims, or academic work—these records can be invaluable. But archival research requires patience. Documents might be incomplete, handwritten notes can be hard to decipher, and government jargon is… well, let’s just say it’s not always user-friendly.

That’s where we come in. The Day Schools Project team at Library and Archives Canada is working hard to describe these files to make them more accessible. Due to privacy laws, we cannot include names of students or school staff in descriptions. However, when files do contain names, we add a note to inform researchers. The descriptions include names of schools, communities, the types of documents contained in the file, and whether there are photographs, drawings, maps, or plans. This information is fully searchable. Most importantly, we want researchers to understand what’s in these records and how to navigate them.

So, if you find yourself knee-deep in correspondence about school boiler repairs, don’t worry—you’re on the right track.

Additional Resources (Library and Archives Canada)

External Resources

Marc St. Dennis worked as an archivist on the Day Schools Project at Library and Archives Canada from January 2024 to March 2025.

Teamwork makes the dream work

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By Ellen Bond

I walked up to Tanya Talaga at a Know History conference in June 2023, after her keynote speech about her search for her great-great-grandmother, Annie Carpenter, and said, “I work with a lot of photos of First Nation, Inuit and Métis Nation peoples at Library and Archives Canada (LAC), and I can help you.” “Send me an email,” she said. Thus began the teamwork between the two of us.

I found Tanya’s email address at The Globe and Mail and emailed her an explanation of Project Naming, the program I manage at LAC, as well as how I could help her. In her return email, Tanya explained more of her search for Annie and what little she knew of her. She gave me her birthdate, her maiden name, her married names, her children’s names and where she was in 1905.

Large group of people standing in front of a building.

Photo was posted during Project Naming’s “Finding Kin,” December 6, 2023. We know Annie was in Osnaburgh House in 1905 when this photo was taken. Could Annie be in this photo? Credit: Canada. Dept. of Indian Affairs and Northern Development / Library and Archives Canada / a059496-v8.

Tanya knew nothing of where Annie or her children had gone after 1905, but she did know where Annie had spent the last eight years of her life and where she is buried in an unmarked grave. I shared Tanya’s search with Elizabeth Montour, LAC Archivist in the Government Archives Division. Within 24 hours, Elizabeth had found Annie’s grandson, Private Peter Rupert Chappise, who fought and died in the First World War (WW1). As I had worked on the massive digitization project to make available the files for everyone who fought for Canada in WW1, I searched Peter’s name and found his file. That file referenced Peter’s brother’s son, Flying Officer Richard Robert Chappise, who died in action in the Second World War. Since LAC has digitized all of the files from soldiers killed in action, I found Richard’s file. I sent all of this information to Tanya, who was thrilled. It felt so satisfying to work with Elizabeth to uncover part of Annie’s mystery. Teamwork!

In a future blog, I will explain more of the process of our teamwork and the usefulness of LAC’s documentary heritage collection. Tanya’s newest book, The Knowing, makes the dream work as she details her many collaborations with people, including me, as she researched Annie’s story. It was published on August 27, 2024. On September 30, 2024, the National Day for Truth and Reconciliation, Tanya will be talking about her search for Annie in depth at an event hosted by LAC and organized by Ottawa Public Library and the Ottawa Writers Festival. I’m looking forward to hearing the story of Tanya’s search and what she found.

More to come.

Ellen Bond is a Project Manager with the Online Content team at Library and Archives Canada.

Marion Meadmore, Mary Guilbault, and Dorothy Betz: Celebrating Indigenous women’s leadership in the early years of the Friendship Centre Movement and beyond

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By Karyne Holmes

This article contains historical language and content that may be considered offensive, such as language used to refer to racial, ethnic and cultural groups. Please see our historical language advisory for more information.

In 1978, Marion Meadmore (née Ironquill) set a historical milestone by becoming the first Indigenous woman lawyer called to the bar in Canada. This pivotal moment amplified a legacy that had been building for over two decades. Long before this significant achievement, she had already established herself as a prominent leader dedicated to creating supports and services for the well-being of the urban Indigenous community.

Originally from the Peepeekisis Nation in Saskatchewan, Marion Meadmore attended residential school for ten years before travelling to Winnipeg to pursue studies at the University of Manitoba. When she arrived in Winnipeg in the early 1950s, no organizations existed to support the specific needs of new residents of Indigenous heritage. Drawing from her personal experience, Marion became a passionate advocate for creating spaces where Indigenous people could connect and help one another in an urban environment.

In 1954, she connected with other First Nations and Métis Nation activists, including Mary Guilbault, to establish the Urban Indian Association. This organization aimed to identify and address the needs of urban Indigenous people. Marion and Mary collaborated to identify the specific challenges faced by the community. Their primary objectives included assisting people in obtaining housing, employment, and health care, as well as providing a social gathering space. They placed a particular focus on supporting young people who were moving to Winnipeg in high numbers after surviving residential school.

Their ambition was to establish a referral centre—a dedicated place to welcome and provide information and assistance to anyone in need. The efforts of the Urban Indian Association included meeting with several government agencies to obtain their support, and organizing fundraising events.

Photo of four women talking around a coffee table, holding pens and papers.

Members of the Planning Committee for the Indian and Métis Conference in Winnipeg. Left to right: Marion Meadmore, Mrs. Ronald Robinson, Gladys Bear and Dorothy Betz, 1961. (e011052439)

In June 1958, Mary and Marion participated in the Indian and Métis Conference, an annual meeting sponsored by the Winnipeg Welfare Planning Council. During this meeting, Mary made the pivotal motion to establish a referral centre for Indigenous people in Winnipeg. The recommendation was for a service “to guide and council in matters of employment, housing, education, and other community services.” That day, a resolution was adopted and a planning committee was immediately formed to develop the centre.

The Urban Indian Association achieved their goal soon after when their envisioned referral centre was established as the Indian and Métis Friendship Centre in 1959 at 376 Donald Street. At the time, it was estimated that 5,000 Indigenous people were living in Winnipeg. Mary and Marion, along with Dorothy Betz, were among those most instrumental in founding the new centre.

Dorothy Betz (née Nepinak), born at the Pine Creek First Nation in 1929, arrived in Winnipeg alone by train in 1948 in search of employment. Having spent 15 years in residential school and lost both her parents and grandparents during her childhood, Dorothy felt isolated in the unfamiliar city. Upon arrival, she walked along Main Street, where she had been advised she could “always find a relative.” She recognized and approached two cousins in a café, who provided her with her first place to stay in the new city. Her own experience of feeling overwhelmed fueled her devotion to helping others for many years to come. She recalled that before the Friendship Centre “we didn’t have a place of our own—all we had was Main Street, but we weren’t too ecstatic about it.”

Photo of seven women talking. A banner hangs above them reading “First Anniversary, Indian and Métis Friendship Centre.”

Celebrating the first anniversary of the Indian and Métis Friendship Centre. Left to right: Harriet Mason, Marlene Brant, Ethel Blacksmith, Pauline Vanier, Dorothy MacKay, Mary Guilbault, Dorothy Betz, 1960. (MIKAN 23956)

The opening of the Indian and Métis Friendship Centre in Winnipeg marked the onset of the Friendship Centre Movement, the most significant off-reserve Indigenous service delivery infrastructure in Canada. Friendship centres are not-for-profit charity organizations that are mandated to serve the needs of urban Indigenous people by providing culturally appropriate resources and services. They have become renowned for their range of effective programs in areas of culture, family, recreation, language, housing, health, justice, education, employment, and more.

Since the earliest years of Winnipeg’s Indian and Métis Friendship Centre, group programs have been at the core of the organization’s work. Initial popular programs included recreational activities like sewing groups, and the Education and Library Committee, which planned lectures on history and established a resource library on Indigenous experiences, knowledges, and cultures.

The Indian and Métis Friendship Centre continues its work today as the Winnipeg Indigenous Friendship Centre. There are now over 120 friendship centres nationwide. After the centre opened its doors, Marion, Mary, and Dorothy continued to be influential women of action in Winnipeg.

Marion Meadmore co-founded the National Indian Council in 1961, the first national organization advocating the needs and rights of First Nations people, both with and without “Indian Status.” The National Indian Council is recognized as the predecessor to the Assembly of First Nations and the Congress of Aboriginal Peoples. Marion later returned to the University of Manitoba to earn her law degree, opened the first all-female law firm in Winnipeg, and co-founded the Indigenous Bar Association of Canada.

Group of one woman and five men side by side looking directly at the camera.

Temporary Committee of the new National Indian Council of Canada. Left to right: Telford Adams, George Manuel, A.H. Brass, Marion Meadmore, David Knight and Joe Keeper, 1961. (e011373501)

Mary Guilbault was a dedicated social worker for 26 years at the Manitoba Department of Health and Social Services. She played a significant role in establishing the Manitoba Métis Federation in 1967, where she served on the Board of Directors specializing in the Education Portfolio until 1974.

Dorothy Betz provided seven years of volunteer service to the Friendship Centre before managing the organization’s Court Program. She was appointed as the Canadian delegate to the Fifth United Nations Congress in Geneva, Switzerland, where she drew international attention to the discrimination and barriers faced by Indigenous people in the justice system.

When Dorothy’s father passed away when she was just seven years old, his final message to her, spoken in Anishinabemowin, was a heartfelt wish: for her to grow up “to be kind and generous, always helpful to people, and forgiving.” Dorothy’s devotion to helping her urban Indigenous community in Winnipeg earned her an unparalleled reputation for optimism, kindness, and generosity. Fluent in Anishinabemowin, she applied her language skills to interpret and guide many in understanding their rights and the law, and was influential in developing the first Court Communicators Program with the Province of Manitoba.

Photo of a man and a woman looking directly at the camera and smiling.

Percy Bird and Dorothy Betz. (OCLC 35881259, page 8)

These accomplishments are only a fraction of the extraordinary work they achieved. These three inspiring women, instrumental in the early years of the Friendship Centre Movement in Winnipeg, contributed countless hours as board members, volunteers, and advisors for several local and national organizations, all while raising their young families. Their stories of strength, action, and wisdom represent the many remarkable urban Indigenous women across Canada, past and present, who uplift their communities every day.

Additional Resources:

Karyne Holmes is a curator in the Exhibitions and Loans Division at Library and Archives Canada (LAC) and was an archivist for We Are Here: Sharing Stories, an initiative to digitize and describe Indigenous content at LAC.

Adoption of Cree Syllabics

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On the left, Tatânga Mânî [Chief Walking Buffalo] [George McLean] is in his traditional First Nation regalia on a horse. In the centre, Iggi and a girl engage in a “kunik,” a traditional greeting in Inuit culture. On the right, Maxime Marion, a Métis guide, holds a rifle. In the background, there is a map of Upper and Lower Canada, and text from the Red River Settlement collection.

This blog is part of our Nations to Nations: Indigenous Voices at Library and Archives Canada series. To read this blog post in Cree syllabics and Standard Roman Orthography, visit the e-book.

Nations to Nations: Indigenous Voices at Library and Archives Canada is free of charge and can be downloaded from Apple Books (iBooks format) or from LAC’s website (EPUB format). An online version can be viewed on a desktop, tablet or mobile web browser without requiring a plug-in.

By Samara mîkiwin Harp

Photograph showing the keys of a manual typewriter. Each of the keys, which are black, has two characters in syllabics that are white.

Cree syllabic typewriter created by knowledge experts from Cree communities, linguistics experts from the former Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, and Olivetti Canada Limited.
Olivetti Canada Limited, Olivetti News Magazine, June–July 1973, p. 2. (e011303083)

While the origins of Cree syllabics remain debatable, one thing is certain: Cree syllabics quickly became popular with nêhiyawak (people of the Cree nation) thanks to their accurate representation of nêhiyawêwin (the Cree language) sounds and the teaching of the syllabary at the grassroots level.

In the winter of 1841, nêhiyaw hunters and trappers from Norway House (present-day Manitoba) who set off to trade brought along hymns printed in Cree syllabics. In less than a decade, the syllabary spread to the west and east, with thousands of nêhiyawak becoming literate in syllabics. nêhiyawak usually learned how to read and write syllabics without the aid of missionaries. They taught themselves by referring to the syllabics chart. This knowledge of how to write Cree was transmitted through traders, friends and family. Some scholars say that literacy rates among the nêhiyawak surpassed those of the French and English settlers. Clearly, syllabics worked well to capture the sounds of nêhiyawêwin.

Pen-and-ink drawing of a man in a short jacket and long pants standing beside a birch tree. He is giving a lecture and holds a small book in his left hand as he points to several rows of syllabics etched on the tree trunk. There is a group of men seated cross-legged on the ground facing the man giving the lecture. Some are wearing hats, patterned blankets, buckskin jackets or shirts with bandanas. Another man, wearing a vest and holding a hat, is standing on the other side of the tree. He is looking directly at the man giving the lecture.

The Reverend James Evans sharing the Cree syllabics chart and hymn book that he collaborated on with Indigenous peoples. (MIKAN 2834503)

It is clear that James Evans created the physical type font (stamps for printing) for syllabics, and he played a role in helping to popularize them by printing a Cree syllabary chart and hymns in the Cree syllabary. With the help of Evans’s translation team, a book entitled Cree Syllabic Hymn Book was printed in 1841.

Unfortunately, neither Evans nor contemporary scholars gave proper credit to the Indigenous people who worked with him, an oversight rectified a century and a half later by Lorena Sekwan Fontaine:

“Evans’ translating team was largely responsible for the success of this independent printing. Team members were primarily of Aboriginal ancestry and were either bilingual or multilingual. For example, Thomas Hassell (Chippewyan) had learned fluent Cree, French and English; Henry Bird Steinhauer (Ojibway) had attended a mission school in Upper Canada and knew Greek, Hebrew, English, in addition to Cree; and John Sinclair who, as the son of an HBC officer and a Cree mother, was fluent in Cree.” (1)

Page from a book with a facsimile of a pale grey rectangular box on the top half that contains syllabic writing in black. The bottom half contains eight columns of typed words in black ink, mostly in Cree, organized on 12 lines. There are two typed English sentences at the bottom of the page.

Facsimile published in 1841 from the original Cree Syllabic Hymn Book, by James Evans, Norway House (present-day Manitoba), p. 23. (OCLC 1152061)

Page from a book showing a facsimile with 11 rows of handwritten syllabics in black. Two horizontal lines divide the top seven and the lower four rows. There are 10 rows of English sentences typed in black in the lower third of the page. Two horizontal lines divide the top six and the bottom four rows.

Facsimile of a hymn from the original Cree Syllabic Hymn Book, by James Evans, Norway House (present-day Manitoba), 1841. Published by the Bibliographic Society of Canada, Toronto, 1954. (OCLC 1152061)

To see a fully digitized version of the 1841 Cree Syllabic Hymn Book by James Evans, visit the University of Alberta Libraries’ Peel’s Prairie Provinces collection.

Four individual letters written in pencil in syllabics on sheets of paper. There are lines in syllabics that fill the pages. The authors’ signature in English are under these lines.

Group of letters written in Cree with some English by Chief William Charles and councillors Isaac Bird and Benjamin Bird regarding Treaty 6, February 1889. Before receiving their first treaty payment, the Cree leaders from Montreal Lake (present-day Saskatchewan) wrote to Queen Victoria asking for her compassion to their people, and their expectations that included money, food and clothing, tools and household utensils, livestock, seeds, and medicines. (MIKAN 2058802)

To read more about these letters and the English translations, see “An 1889 Cree Syllabic Letter” by Merle Massie.

Over time, syllabics continued to increase in popularity. They were used in government offices, street signs and personal correspondence. There was even a Cree syllabics typewriter, shown in the photograph at the beginning of this essay. The typewriter was developed by Olivetti in collaboration with representatives from various Cree organizations in Western Canada and Quebec. According to the 2016 Census, nêhiyawêwin is one of the most widely spoken Indigenous languages in Canada.

Cree syllabics had not only become popular with nêhiyânâhk (Cree country), but their use also spread to other languages such as Anishinaabemowin, Inuktitut and some of the Dene languages, by adapting the syllabary to those languages (see Inuktut Publications essay in Nations to Nations: Indigenous Voices at Library and Archives Canada).

Photograph of a white rectangular sign affixed to a wooden wall with nails. The sign has the name of a construction company typeset in black in English, syllabics and French. The company’s logo is on the left side of the sign. Directly below the sign on the right side is the number 355 in large font in black.

Cree Construction Company sign from Quebec, unknown location, ca. 1978–1988. Credit: George Mully. (e011218399)

Photograph of a close-up view of a light grey brick wall. There are two rectangular white signs attached to the centre of the wall. The upper sign has four lines of syllabics, and the lower one has five lines of syllabics. Both are in black ink. There is a ladder laying horizontally across the base of the wall.

Department of the Interior, Forestry Branch, sign in Cree, unknown location, unknown date. (e010752312)

Methodist Reverend James Evans as inventor of the syllabary is questionable at best. Evidence points to the fact that he was unskilled in the nêhiyawêwin, yet we are expected to believe that he created a syllabary that worked so well with nêhiyawêwin. While the theory that Evans conceived the syllabary is widely supported in mainstream history, I was unable to find anything concrete that supported this idea. The only evidence I could confirm was that he created the physical stamps for printing in syllabics. Archdeacon Horsefield, who translated the 1841 Cree hymn book, commented on Evans’s Cree abilities as follows:

“The vocabulary of the author is pretty extensive, but his syntax is poor: he uses plural nouns with singular verbs, and vice versa, is uncertain of word order and (not unnaturally) lost among some of the more complicated forms of the truly weird and wonderful Cree verb.” (2)

A researcher named Louis (Buff) Parry read Evans’s diaries and letters but could not find any evidence of how or when Evans invented “his” syllabics (3). Indeed, Christian churches had much to gain by claiming the invention of the syllabary. They could spread the word of the Bible while declaring that they had brought a great gift to nêhiyawak.

In time, Church and Crown joined forces to implement the Indian residential school system. By 1894, children aged 6 to 16 were forced to attend these schools. Part of these colonizing efforts included rules that restricted the use of Indigenous languages. Many children of these residential school survivors were deprived of their language due to the physical and emotional abuses their parents endured in the colonial school system.

nêhiyawak proved their resiliency by easily and quickly adapting to ways of writing, reading and teaching their language. We are capable and resourceful people who had ways of recording knowledge before contact. These ways may not have fit the Eurocentric models, but they existed. I have no doubt that we played a much larger role in the creation of Cree syllabics than is related in history books. It is my hope that we can continue on this path of language revitalization to undo the damage inflicted upon us by the residential school system, inaccurate historical records and colonization.

References

  1. Lorena Sekwan Fontaine, “Our Languages are Sacred: Finding Constitutional Space for Aboriginal Language Rights,” doctoral thesis, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, 2018, p. 62.
  2. James Evans, Cree Syllabic Hymn Book, Norway House, N.W.T.: [Rossville Mission Press, 1841], p. 9.
  3. Lesley Crossingham, “Cultural director says missionaries didn’t invent syllabics, Indians did,” Windspeaker, vol. 5, no. 42, 1987, p. 2.

Windspeaker finding aid at Library and Archives Canada

Additional Resources Related to Cree Writing and Syllabics

Samara mîkiwin Harp was an archivist with the Listen, Hear Our Voices initiative at Library and Archives Canada. She now works in Woods Cree language revitalization and is further pursuing archival studies. Samara grew up in Winnipeg, Manitoba, with Cree roots in both the Southend and Pelican Narrows areas of Treaty 6 in northern Saskatchewan. The first of her father’s family arrived in Ontario in the 1800s from Ireland and England.

A rediscovered manuscript: the first journal of John Norton (Teyoninhokarawen)

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By Isabelle Charron

This article contains historical language and content that may be considered offensive, such as language used to refer to racial, ethnic and cultural groups. Please see our historical language advisory for more information.

Photo of a handwritten page from a journal.

First page of the journal of John Norton (item 6251788)

Image of an oval-shaped painting on ivory.

Portrait of John Norton by Mary Ann Knight, 1805 (e010933319)

Library and Archives Canada (LAC) recently acquired an unpublished autograph journal by John Norton (Teyoninhokarawen) (1770–1827), along with letters (John Norton Teyoninhokarawen fonds*). This acquisition was made possible by a contribution from the Library and Archives Canada Foundation. The journal’s existence was documented in correspondence from the early 19th century, but its location remained unknown until recently. These documents are an important link in the life and literary production of Norton, a fascinating character, as well as essential evidence for understanding the history of the Six Nations (Haudenosaunee), Canada and North America.

Born in Scotland, Norton had Indigenous ancestry: his father was Cherokee, brought to Great Britain by a British officer following the Anglo-Cherokee War, and his mother was Scottish. His family background shaped his astonishing journey. In addition, he was marked by military life from a very young age. His father, a soldier in the British army, took part in several campaigns in North America, during which his family followed him. In fact, Norton mentions in a letter that one of his earliest memories was the Battle of Bunker Hill (Boston, June 17, 1775) (item 6252667). Back in Scotland at an unknown date, he received an excellent education.

Norton and his parents were in the city of Québec in 1785. Like his father, he joined the army, but he deserted in 1787 at Fort Niagara. He later travelled and may have lived with the Cayuga Nation. In 1791, he worked as a schoolteacher in the Mohawk community of Tyendinaga (Bay of Quinte, Ontario). He then took part in battles in the Ohio Valley with various allied Indigenous peoples against American forces. He was also involved in the fur trade for Detroit merchant John Askin before being hired as an interpreter by the Department of Indian Affairs. He then lived with the Six Nations (Haudenosaunee) at the Grand River (Ontario) and became close to Mohawk Chief Joseph Brant (Thayendanegea). The latter adopted him as a nephew in 1797, and in 1799 Norton became chief for diplomacy and war for the Six Nations. He was given the Mohawk name of Teyoninhokarawen.

The Norton journal acquired by LAC is 275 pages long (item 6251788). He wrote it at the Grand River between 1806 and 1808 in the form of letters to a friend. He recounts his journey to England and Scotland in 1804–1805. It was at Brant’s request that he made this trip to clarify issues relating to Six Nations land ownership at the Grand River, in connection with the Haldimand Proclamation (October 25, 1784). His diplomatic mission failed because his authority was challenged by some, including William Claus, superintendent of Indian Affairs. However, on a personal level, Norton was able to reconnect with his maternal family and became a very popular figure among the political, business, religious, intellectual and aristocratic elite. He participated in social events and attended scientific conferences and debates in the House of Commons. He made valuable friends, including the brewer Robert Barclay, the Reverend John Owen and the second Duke of Northumberland (Hugh Percy), also a friend of Brant. During this time, Norton translated the Gospel of John into Kanien’kehá (Mohawk language), published by the British and Foreign Bible Society as of 1804 (OCLC number 47861587). In London, in 1805, artist Mary Ann Knight painted his portrait, now in LAC’s collection (item 2836984).

Pages from a handwritten journal.

Pages 183–185 of the journal of John Norton (e011845717)

In 1808, Norton sent his journal to Robert Barclay in England, who planned to publish it with the accompanying letters. This project, on which the Reverend Owen also worked, never materialized, and the documents remained in the Barclay family. In his journal, Norton describes his encounters and the places he visited. He expresses his thoughts on a variety of topics typical of his era and touching on colonial reality, such as the British army, American independence (and its consequences for Indigenous peoples on both sides of the border), freedom, slavery (he is an abolitionist), education, the status of women among Indigenous people, agriculture, trade (including the fur trade), business and land exploration. He plans several projects for the Haudenosaunee and is concerned about the education of young people. He questions the image of the Haudenosaunee portrayed by certain authors and insists on the refinement of their language. Christianity is also of great importance to Norton.

Norton’s correspondence reveals some details about his biography and his family (items 6252667 and 6258811). In it, he recalls his return to the Grand River in 1806, divisions in his community and his desire to take part in campaigns with the British army (item 6251790). He speaks about different Indigenous peoples and their relationships with British colonial authorities (items 6251794 and 6252528, for example). He promotes the alliance between Indigenous peoples and Great Britain but is very critical of the Department of Indian Affairs. This alliance proved essential in the War of 1812, during which Norton distinguished himself by leading groups of Indigenous warriors. He refers to this conflict in his letters (item 6258793), as well as his visit to the Cherokee in 1809–1810 (item 6258679). The correspondence also includes a transcript of a letter from chiefs of the Six Nations to Francis Gore, lieutenant governor of Upper Canada (item 6252665). Finally, a letter from someone close to Barclay confirms that George Prevost, governor-in-chief of British North America, held Norton in high regard (item 6258814).

It should be noted that Norton wrote a second journal while in England in 1815–1816, which covers his visit to the Cherokee, the War of 1812 and the history of the Six Nations. Still preserved in the Archives of the Duke of Northumberland at Alnwick Castle in England, this journal was published in 1970 and 2011, and the War of 1812 section was also published in 2019 (see references below).

A great traveller, polyglot, author, translator, letter writer, diplomat, politician, warrior, activist, trader, farmer, father, Scotsman, Cherokee, Haudenosaunee … so many epithets characterize John Norton, who already fascinated people during his lifetime. He is said to have been the inspiration for the main character in John Richardson’s 1832 novel Wacousta, a Canadian literary classic. Richardson had known Norton and was the grandson of John Askin, the fur trader for whom Norton had worked in his youth.

We hope that these newly acquired documents, which are important additions to our collection, will generate much interest and shed new light on Norton’s life and work, as well as on the history of the Haudenosaunee and Canada in the early 19th century.

Happy exploring!

To learn more

  • Alan James Finlayson, “Emerging from the Shadows: Recognizing John Norton,” Ontario History, vol. 110, No. 2, fall 2018.
  • John Norton, A Mohawk Memoir from the War of 1812: John Norton—Teyoninhokarawen, Carl Benn, ed., Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2019 (OCLC 1029641748).
  • John Norton, The Journal of Major John Norton, 1816, Carl F. Klink, James J. Talman, ed., introduction to new edition and additional notes by Carl Benn, Toronto, The Champlain Society, vol. 72, 2011 (1970) (OCLC 281457).
  • Carl F. Klinck, “Norton, John,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 6, University of Toronto/Université Laval, 2003 (1987).
  • Cecilia Morgan, Travellers Through Empire: Indigenous Voyages from Early Canada, Montréal & Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2017 (OCLC 982091587).
  • Guest Curator: Shane McCord, Library and Archives Canada Blog, posted on September 14, 2017.

*Since these documents were created in English, their individual descriptions are also in English.

Isabelle Charron is a Senior Archivist in the Private Archives and Published Heritage Branch at Library and Archives Canada.

Fifty Years after the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry: Navigating the Records (Part 3)

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Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry Blog banner with a view of Mackenzie River Delta from Black Mountain near Aklavik in Northwest Territories.

By Elizabeth Kawenaa Montour

This article contains historical language and content that some may consider offensive, such as language used to refer to racial, ethnic, and cultural groups. Please see our historical language advisory for more information.

The Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry was enacted fifty years ago in 1974 by the Canadian Government. Library and Archives Canada (LAC) holds the original collection of the Inquiry records, which are managed by Government Archives Division.

This is the final blog of a three-part series on the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry (MVPI). This blog will focus on providing instructions on locating a selection of specific types of MVPI records through Collection Search.

Discovering MVPI digitized collection materials

The records of the MVPI were transferred to the Public Archives of Canada in February 1978. All MVPI records are open to the public for research purposes, though not all MVPI records are digitally accessible online.  A digitally accessible record will show the digitized image of the record above the Record Information Page when retrieved and opened through Collection Search. These records can be requested and accessed on-site at LAC.

Typed transcript of proceedings regarding the Inquiry of a map, with interpretation by Phoebe Nahanni (map referred to as Exhibit C-184), showing trails for hunting, trapping and travelling. Number 2459 is at top right of page. Each line of typed text numbered from 1 to 30 vertically.

Transcript Number C24 – Trout Lake and Nahanni Butte, NWT from transcripts of community hearings. Date: 24 August 1975. Page 71 of 80 (e011412138).

Typed transcript of proceedings regarding the Inquiry of John Ballem, Q.C. for producer companies being cross-examined by Glen W. Bell for Northwest Territories Indian Brotherhood. Includes comment by Commissioner. Number 17836 visible at top right of page. Each line of typed text numbered from 1 to 30 vertically.

Transcript Number 117 – Inuvik, NWT from transcripts of formal hearings. Date: 26 January 1976. Page 83 of 164 (e011412099).

Resources for records searches

The following information provides more specific guidance on searching for MVPI records.

The main sous-fonds is titled Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry (multiple media), or you may find it by using the search term “Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry” in Collection Search to find the result “Reference: R216-165-X-E, RG126. Date: 1970-1977”. Additional keywords for searches may include “Berger Commission” or “Berger Inquiry”.

The MVPI sous-fonds contains three main groups of series-level records, which are Transcripts of proceedings and testimony (digitized), Exhibits presented to the Inquiry (digitized) and Operational and administrative records (not digitized).

Each record may contain an electronic link to a related finding aid. This is found in the “Record information – Details section” and listed as “Finding aid: show detail”.

1 – Transcripts of proceedings and testimony – Reference: R216-3841-6-E, RG126

Please note: Shortcuts for locating both “formal hearings transcript” and “community hearings transcript” files using Collection Search are listed after section 3 – Operational and administrative records.

For formal hearings, reference “R216-172-7-E, RG126. Date: 1974-1976. Digitized”.

The sub-series includes 217 digitized transcript files, which are identified by number and location. The majority of the formal hearings were held in Yellowknife, with the remainder held in Inuvik (Northwest Territories), Whitehorse (Yukon) or Ottawa (Ontario).

Finding aid 126-5 is a verified file list of the formal hearing transcripts indicating transcript number, file title (the location), dates and permanent volume numbers.

For community hearings, reference “R216-169-7-E, RG126. Date 1975-1976. Digitized”.

The sub-series includes 77 digitized transcript files. Transcripts are identified by number and location. Community hearing transcript numbers are prefixed with the letter “C”.

Finding aid 126-8 is a verified file list of the community hearings transcripts including transcript number, file title (the location), parts, dates and permanent volume number.

Finding aid 126-3, from pages 111–120, is a list of Inquiry community witnesses and includes transcript numbers. In order to locate the Inquiry community transcript, preface the transcript number with the letter “C”. For example, to find text about “Antoine Abalon”, enter the search terms “Mackenzie C-18”. The result is Transcript Number C18 – Fort Good Hope, NWT. Scroll down list of names to Antoine Abalon, p. 1795.

2 – Exhibits presented to the Inquiry – Reference: R216-3840-4-E, RG126 Date: 1972-1977

Community hearings exhibits “R216-168-5-E, RG126 Date: 1975-1976” includes 700 digitized files. Exhibits are identified as “Submission” followed by a number with a “C”-prefix (e.g. Submission C585). The sub-series contains 627 digitized files, and 73 were not digitized due to the file folders being empty or for copyright reasons.

For Vancouver hearings exhibits, reference “R216-173-9-E, RG126 Date: 1976. Not digitized”. Records consist of exhibits from the Vancouver hearings of the MVPI held in May and June 1976. CV1-CV22 each denote a community exhibit with a description, person submitting and date. Hearings were also held in nine other centres in southern Canada (RG126, Vol. 9).

Formal hearings exhibits “R216-171-5-E, RG126 Date: 1975-1977” include 906 exhibits and are not digitized.

Additional MVPI records not included with the three main groups described above are listed below.

For photography, search for “Exhibits presented to the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry, Reference: RG126, R216, 1978-115 NPC Box 3929. Date 1974-1975”. The accession includes 165 black and white and 819 colour photographs. They are not digitized. The accession consists of photographs depicting the planning and execution of the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline that were submitted as exhibits to the Inquiry. Subjects include, but are not limited to, land conditions, terrain, wildlife, construction views, disturbances to the tundra, forests, geological formations, Ellesmere Island, caribou entangled in wire, Banks Island, seismic reports, muskox habitat and environmental hazards to the pipeline.

For maps, search for “Exhibits by special interest and northern community groups to the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry, Reference: RG126M 78903/14, 78903/14 CA. Date: 1972-1976”. The accession is not digitized. Accession consists of cartographic items which were presented by special interest and Northern community groups as exhibits to the MVPI. It includes technical details relating to the construction of the pipeline, environmental impact assessment maps and sets of land use maps. The accession also includes maps showing the pipeline corridors and the actual pipeline routes as proposed by Canadian Arctic Gas Pipeline Ltd. and Foothills Pipeline Ltd.

3 – Operational and administrative records Reference: R216-174-0-E, RG126 Vol. 72. Date: 1970-1977

The series includes textual recording, sound recording and moving images, and it is not digitized. The series consists of correspondence with the public, participants and staff members on all aspects of the Inquiry’s work; files on administrative arrangements regarding the Inquiry’s actual operations; Justice Thomas Berger’s memoranda to various parties; speeches delivered by Berger; French and English editions of the final reports; timetables of events; summaries of proceedings; indexes; posters and lists of documents. The series includes six lower-level descriptions: Committee for Original People’s Entitlement, Correspondence – General, Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, Canadian Arctic Gas Pipelines LTD, Canadian Arctic Resources Committee – Northern Assessment Group and Canadian Arctic Resources Committee.

Navigating the records using shortcuts

The search methods suggested here are not examples of methods that are considered regular search terms, but irregular techniques based on how data was input into the system and created for researcher convenience.  They cannot be applied to other areas of the database.

Shortcuts to locate “community hearing transcripts”

To find a community transcript by location

If you know the location of the community hearing, enter the search terms “Mackenzie transcripts [location]” into Collection Search (archives filter) and note “transcripts” (must be plural). For example, “Mackenzie transcripts Aklavik”.

The results will include all the transcripts of the hearings in that location.

For example, the above search inquiry would yield the search results Transcript Number C40 – Aklavik, NWT, Transcript Number C3 – Aklavik, NWT and Transcript Number C1 – Aklavik, NWT.

To find a community transcript by date

Enter the search terms “transcript DD-MONTH-YYYY” into Collection Search (archives filter).

Note: the date must be entered in this order and the month must be spelled out. For example, “transcript 5 August 1975”.

The result you would find in this example is Fort Good Hope, NWT.

To find a date of a community hearing

Enter the search terms “community hearings transcript” into Collection Search (archives filter)

Go to “Record Information-Details”. Click and open “Finding aid”.

Finding Aid 126-8 is a verified file list of the community hearings transcripts including transcript number, file title [location], parts, date and permanent volume number.

To find a community transcript by transcript number

Enter the search terms “Mackenzie C-number” into Collection Search (archives filter). For example, “Mackenzie C-18” (with or without the hyphen).

The result you would find in this example is Transcript Number C18 – Fort Good Hope, NWT.

To find the sound recording of a particular community hearing

Enter the search terms “Date [YYYY-MM-DD] Mackenzie” into Collection Search (archives filter)

Note: the numeric date must be entered in this order.

The sound recording must be accessed on-site at LAC.

Shortcuts to locate “formal hearings transcripts”

To find a date of a formal hearing

Enter the search term “formal hearings transcript” into Collection Search (archives filter).

Go to “Record Information-Details”. Click and open “Finding aid”.

FA-126-5 is a verified file list of the formal hearings transcripts, including transcript number, file title [location], parts, dates and permanent volume numbers.

To find a formal hearing transcript by date

Enter the search terms “transcript DD MONTH YY” into Collection Search (archives filter).

Note: the date must be entered in this order and the month must be spelled out. For example, “transcript 8 April 1975”.

The result you would find in this example is Yellowknife, NWT.

To find a formal hearing transcript by transcript number

Enter the search terms “Transcript number” into Collection Search (archives filter). For example, “Transcript 35”

The result you would find in this example is Transcript Number 35 – Yellowknife, NWT.

Handwritten three-paragraph letter written in cursive in blue ink by Mrs. Annie George to Mr. Berger, dated July 1975. She writes, “Mr. Berger, I am now old and there is no one older than me in Fort McPherson. Animals that look after their young in den or nest are like me looking after her children and grandchildren. I am scare for my relations where I hear about the pipeline coming through. I pray to god every day so the pipeline won’t come through.” Stamped: Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry, Exhibit No. C46, Date: July 10, 1975, Mrs. Annie George, Put in by: (illegible)

Exhibit Submission C46, RG126, Volume number: 3. Letter written by Mrs. Annie George, Elder, to Mr. Berger, MVPI Commissioner. Date: July 1975. Exhibit presented to the Inquiry at Community hearings. (e011407938)

Additional resources

Elizabeth Kawenaa Montour is an archivist in the Government Archives Division of the Government Record Branch at Library and Archives Canada.

Fifty Years after the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry: Listening to Voices (Part 2)

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Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry Blog banner with a view of Mackenzie River Delta from Black Mountain near Aklavik in Northwest Territories.By Elizabeth Kawenaa Montour

This article contains historical language and content that some may consider offensive, such as language used to refer to racial, ethnic, and cultural groups. Please see our historical language advisory for more information.

The Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry (MVPI), also known as the Berger Inquiry, was enacted fifty years ago in 1974 by the Canadian government. The purpose of the Inquiry was to investigate the potential impacts of the pipeline and report findings, which would be followed by appropriate actions. The final report (Volume One and Volume Two) was published in 1977. Library and Archives Canada (LAC) holds the original collection of Inquiry records, which are managed by the Government Archives Division.

This is part two of a three-part series on the MVPI. This blog will highlight two individuals who were central to the thoroughness of the Inquiry process as well as provide additional search methods for Inquiry records.

Part one presented a glimpse of the people and land of the Yukon and Northwest Territories (NWT) who would be affected by the proposed Mackenzie Valley Pipeline, along with a narrative of events that led up to the enactment of the Inquiry by the Canadian government. The final blog, part three, will focus on more specific searches for the records.

Commissioner Thomas R. Berger and interpreter and Inuk broadcaster Abraham Okpik

The Inquiry to study the potential environmental and socio-economic impacts of the proposed gas pipeline project was headed by Justice Thomas R. Berger. A former Justice of the B.C. Supreme Court, he possessed legal experience in First Nations issues. He had recently represented the Nisga’a and argued the Aboriginal title case Calder et al. v. Attorney-General of British Columbia, [1973] S.C.R. 313. This led to the 1973 Calder decision by the Supreme Court of Canada, which recognized that Aboriginal title to land existed prior to colonization and that Nisga’a land title had never been extinguished.

Abraham “Abe” Okpik, who was born in the Mackenzie River Delta, was an interpreter for the Inquiry in 1974. He also served as a linguistic representative for CBC to report on the Inquiry hearings. Okpik’s language skills combined with his life experiences were crucial for the Inquiry to establish communication and understanding with people from different Arctic communities.

In 1965, Okpik was the first Inuk to sit on the Council of the Northwest Territories (NWT). His legal surname at the time was “W3-554” due to the Canadian government system of using disc numbers to identify people in the North. Okpik eventually chose his new surname and was selected to head Project Surname in 1970. Under this project, Okpik visited Inuit camps and communities in northern Quebec and the NWT to record the surnames people wanted to replace their identification numbers. In 1976, Okpik was awarded the Order of Canada in recognition of his contributions to the preservation of the Inuit way of life and his work on the Berger Inquiry.

A colour portrait photograph of Abe Okpik standing indoors wearing a black Inuit parka with yoke and red, yellow and green floral embroidery on a white yoke with red fringe. He has black fur mitts on.

Abe Okpik, 1962 (e011212361).

Conclusions of the Inquiry

Commissioner Berger summed up his thoughts in his November 1978 article on the MVPI with comments on industrialization, energy waste, the creation of wilderness parks and whale sanctuaries, and the need for humanity to reflect on its use of resources. He recognized the North as the last frontier and that the pristine and undeveloped areas were critical habitat for many creatures and their continued survival. He writes that in his MVPI report there are two sets of conflicting attitudes and values: “the increasing power of our technology, the consumption of natural resources and the impact of rapid change” versus “the growth of ecological awareness, and a growing concern for wilderness, wildlife resources and environmental legislation.”

The Inquiry concluded that a pipeline along the Mackenzie Valley to Alberta was feasible, but that it should only proceed after further study and after the settlement of Indigenous land claims. Based on this conclusion, a ten-year moratorium on construction was declared.

Voices speaking for land and life

The Inquiry was groundbreaking in its implementation of direct consultation that included hearings with the people of the communities that would be impacted by the project. They were aware that the pipeline would bring change and affect their relationship with the animals and the land. They spoke of their way of life and of knowledge that had been passed to them. Audio recordings of these oral testimonials are culturally invaluable. Their knowledge at that specific moment in time is preserved and available for future generations to hear.

Black-and-white photograph of a herd of caribou moving over frozen river and snow-covered landscape.

Reindeer taking part in the Canadian Reindeer Project crossing the Mackenzie River, 1936 (a135777).

Fred Betsina, a 35-year-old Dene from Detah Village, NWT, explained at the Detah Community Hearing why he did not want a pipeline. He told how he knew from trapping and hunting caribou that they were not able to jump over a 48-inch pipe—that they can’t jump higher than 12 inches, so instead they need to go around whatever is blocking their path. He stated that he wanted to see the land settlement claims settled before he saw a pipeline. His last comment was, “… us Indians. We got no money in the bank, nothing … The only money we got in the bank is the cash out in the bush … We get our meat from there, and fish is the cash … that’s what you call a bank here…”  He spoke for the wildlife, for his people and for his family’s needs.

The gathering of people from distantly located communities also presented opportunities to forge new friendships and strengthen alliances. The Inquiry gave a space for informal discussion on economic and political subjects.

Discovering MVPI collection materials

The records of the MVPI were transferred to the public archives of Canada in February 1978. All MVPI records are open to the public for research purposes, though not all records are digitally available.

Screenshot of Collection Search – Research Information Page with three dark horizontal bars with text: Record information – Brief, Record information – Details, and Ordering and viewing options.

Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry (multiple media) R216-165-X-E, RG126. Date: 1970–1977 (MIKAN 383).

Additional sources and tips for records searches

The following is to provide more specific guidance on searching for MVPI records in Collection Search.

On the Record Information Page for the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry (Reference: R216-165-X-E, RG126), there are three sections: Record information – Brief, Record information – Details, and Ordering and viewing options.

If you open the second section (Record information – Details), you will find a link titled, “View lower-level description(s).” Clicking on that link will open the three main series of records: Transcripts of proceedings and testimony, Exhibits presented to the Inquiry, and Operational and administrative records

Opening one of three series of records above will link to the Record Information Page for that series. To view the lower-level records within each series, open the “Record information – Details” section and click on the “View lower-level description(s)” link.

In Transcripts of proceedings and testimony (R216-3841-6-E, RG126), you will find two lower-level descriptions:

In Exhibits presented to the Inquiry (R216-3840-4-E, RG126), you will find four lower-level descriptions:

In Operational and administrative records (R216-174-0-E, RG126), you will find six lower-level descriptions:

*Please note not all MVPI records are available online digitally. MVPI records that are not digitally accessible online will have to be requested and accessed onsite at LAC. A digitally accessible record will show the digitized image of the record at the top of its Record Information Page.

The final blog in this series will provide detailed strategies to navigate the records.

Elizabeth Kawenaa Montour is an archivist in the Government Archives Division of the Government Record Branch at Library and Archives Canada.

Fifty Years after the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry: Environmental Impacts in the Northwest (Part 1)

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Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry Blog banner with a view of Mackenzie River Delta from Black Mountain near Aklavik in Northwest Territories.By Elizabeth Kawenaa Montour

This article contains historical language and content that some may consider offensive, such as language used to refer to racial, ethnic, and cultural groups. Please see our historical language advisory for more information.

The Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry (MVPI), also known as the Berger Inquiry, was enacted fifty years ago in 1974 by the Canadian Government. The purpose of the Inquiry was to investigate and report findings, which would be followed by appropriate actions. The final report (Volume One and Volume Two) was published in 1977. Library and Archives Canada (LAC) holds the original collection of the Inquiry records, and they are managed by Government Archives Division.

This is the first of a three-part series. Part one will revisit the events prior to the Inquiry and the areas the proposed project would impact. Part two will focus on people who were involved in the Inquiry, and part three will include specific details on how to search through the records of the MVPI.

Caterpillar machinery with lift and claw holding pipeline to drop into parallel ditch in ground. Ground edged by snow. Several workers standing on snow and one standing on claw mechanism. Two tall trees on the left side of the picture with short branches with no leaves.

Coating or taping machine used in laying pipeline during ditching operation for a 24″ pipeline construction job. Photograph presented as evidence to the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry by G. L. Williams, 21-22 April 1975 (MIKAN 3238077).

The Mackenzie River is known as “Dehcho” (big river) by the Slavey (Dene), “Kuukpak” (great river) by the Inuvialuk and “Nagwichoonjik” (river flowing through a big country) by the Gwich’in (Dene). The colonial name of “Mackenzie” originated after the explorer Alexander Mackenzie visited the area in 1789.

The Mackenzie River winds through the Northwest Territories (NT), flowing northwest to the Mackenzie Delta. Just past the midway area of the river, immense limestone cliffs known as the Fee Yee (Ramparts) rise from the edge of the Mackenzie River. The river continues until it reaches the Mackenzie Bay at the Beaufort Sea in the Arctic Ocean. To the west of the river in NT and ending in the Yukon is the Mackenzie Mountain Range, a northern extension of the Rocky Mountains.

Black and white photograph of a river with vertical flat cliffs on the right side. The top layer of the cliffs holds trees and vegetation. To the left side and further off in the distance is a similar geological feature. The river runs between the two features.

Fee Yee (The Ramparts), Mackenzie River. Original title: The Ramparts, Mackenzie River (e011368927).

Treaty 11

The Dene had already given the name “Le Gohlini” (where the oil is) to Norman Wells, predating the arrival of colonial visitors. Tar was applied for waterproofing canoes and was made from small amounts of oil obtained from seepages. The sharing of their knowledge of the oil seepages resulted in Imperial Oil’s drilling program in 1919 and 1920. In 1920, oil was struck in the area of “Tutil’a” (“the place where the rivers meet” in Sahtu Dene; “Fort Norman” in English), and the construction of a small oil refinery followed. These events led to the signing of Treaty 11 in 1921 and 1922 by the Crown and representatives of the Dehcho, Tłı̨chǫ, Sahtu and Gwich’in peoples. The area covers 950 000 km2 of present-day Yukon, Northwest Territories and Nunavut. The Canadian Government’s interpretation of Treaty 11 secured title of these lands to the Crown, whereas the Dene saw the treaty as a peace and friendship agreement.

Four black and white silver gelatin prints mounted on paper: three of boats in a river with shoreline scenes and one of crude storage tanks on shore.

S.S. “Mackenzie River” at Norman Wells, S.S. “Distributor” being loaded with barrelled gasoline, M.T. “Radium King” at Norman Wells, Imperial Oil ltd. tanks at Norman Wells, Northwest Territories. Date: 1938 (e010864522).

In 1968, a massive oil strike at Prudhoe Bay in Alaska moved energy investors to create proposals to move the oil and natural gas to southern United States and Canadian markets. The same year, the Task Force on Northern Oil Development was created, which resulted in the development of the federal government’s official northern pipeline guidelines, published in 1970 and expanded in 1972.

A pipeline proposal by Arctic Gas would have construction originating at Prudhoe Bay, Alaska on the Beaufort Sea to cross through the Yukon, Northwest Territories and Alberta and to include transportation of additional gas resources along the way to the United States.

Coloured map of physical land and water features with provincial, territorial and American state names. Pipeline companies’ names and sections affiliated with them are highlighted by solid or black broken lines.

The proposed route for the Mackenzie Valley Gas Pipeline. Map part of: Northern frontier, northern homeland: the report of the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry, volume one / Thomas R. Berger. 1977. Publication with map.
Library and Archives Canada/OCLC 1032858257, p. 6

As complex as the planning and construction of the infrastructure to support and build the pipeline was, the same complexity existed for the effects the pipeline would have on the environment, wildlife, and people of the land. The pipeline would also bring additional associated industrial development of an unknown scope. The result was that the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline was never built, although new projects would be proposed in its place.

Discovering the MVPI digitized collection materials

The records of the MVPI were transferred to the public archives of Canada in February 1978. All MVPI records are open to the public for research purposes, though not all records are digitally available. Additional keywords for searches may include “Berger Commission” or “Berger Inquiry”.

To become familiar with using Collection Search and to begin your MVPI records search, use the following links:

The MVPI collection includes the following digitized transcripts:

  • Exhibits presented to the Inquiry
    • Community hearing exhibits of 700 files of textual records dated from 1975–1976.
      • Each file is a submission with recorded exhibit number, date and author.

Elizabeth Kawenaa Montour is an archivist in the Government Archives Division of the Government Records Branch at Library and Archives Canada.

Indigenous Peoples in the First World War: researching forgotten veterans

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On the left of the graphic, Tatânga Mânî [Chief Walking Buffalo] [George McLean] in traditional regalia on horse. In the middle, Iggi and girl engaging in a “kunik”, a traditional greeting in Inuit culture. On the right, Maxime Marion, a Métis guide stands holding a rifle. In the background, there is a map of Upper and Lower Canada, and text from the Red River Settlement collection.By Ethan M. Coudenys

This article contains historical language and content that some may consider offensive, such as language used to refer to racial, ethnic and cultural groups. Please see our historical language advisory for more information.

Understanding the First World War from the perspective of the Indigenous Peoples of this land has been of paramount importance for many Indigenous researchers, such as myself. Dedicating hours upon hours to research a single Great War veteran is sometimes required just to identify that they were indeed Indigenous. While we have excellent resources about some of the very well-known First Nations, Inuit and Métis Nation service members from that war, there is still much to discover in this realm of historical knowledge.

This post is not meant to convey the story of the Indigenous people who served during the First World War, nor would I attempt to simply generalize the experiences of Indigenous peoples into a single blog post. Instead, I will share the stories of two very different individuals and relate how research techniques can be used to better research an Indigenous person who served in the Great War.

The story of John Shiwak

Two side-by-side photos of the same man seated and wearing an army uniform.

John Shiwak, Royal Newfoundland Regiment # 1735. The Rooms, Item E 29-45.

John Shiwak was born in 1889 in Rigolet, Labrador. A member of an Inuit community, he was an experienced hunter and trapper when he enlisted with the First (later “Royal”) Newfoundland Regiment on July 24, 1915. He was still in training when the regiment was sent over the top of the St. John’s Road trench at Beaumont-Hamel on July 1, 1916, the first day of the Battle of the Somme. When Shiwak joined the regiment in France a few weeks later, on July 24, he was one of many who saw the aftermath of the near destruction of the regiment in the 45 minutes that they fought on the Somme battlefield. In April 1917, Shiwak was promoted to lance corporal. Unfortunately, that November, less than a year before the guns fell silent, Lance Corporal John Shiwak met a sad end. In the middle of the battle for Masnières (during the larger First Battle of Cambrai), Shiwak’s unit was struck by a shell, killing him and six others.

Group of five men standing or sitting.

Members of the Legion of Frontiersmen (before 1915); John Shiwak is standing at the left. The Rooms, Item IGA 10-25.

This story is not uncommon in accounts of the First World War. The Inuk man was killed in the line of duty, in the midst of his brothers in arms. Yet his story is even sadder: until now, the gravesite of Shiwak and those six other brave men were never located. It is theorized that a school was built above the grave, the construction happening without the knowledge that seven soldiers of the Great War were buried there. Nevertheless, as with all casualties without a known resting place, Shiwak is commemorated. His name is forever etched on the bronze plaques at the Beaumont-Hamel Newfoundland Memorial in France, and at a similar memorial in St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador.

The story of Angus Edwardson

The story of Private Angus Edwardson is of personal interest to me. He was my great-great-grandfather and fought at Passchendaele. He was born in 1894 in the northern, primarily Algonquin Anishinaabe, community of Lac-Barrière, about 300 kilometres northwest of Ottawa. On his enlistment form, Edwardson stated that he and his family resided in Oskélanéo, Quebec. For a very long time, our family did not know that he was Indigenous, nor did we know about his time in the trenches in any detail.

Luckily, in my line of work, one can discover some very interesting pieces of information. During a search through the 1921 Census, I found information that he was an “ancien soldat” (veteran); I was therefore able to find his attestation papers. While Edwardson’s story is much less noteworthy than that of Shiwak, his story provides an insight into the challenges of researching Indigenous men who fought in the Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF) and indeed in the British forces as a whole.

Two pages of the attestation papers of Angus Edwardson.

Attestation papers of Angus Edwardson (regimental number 1090307).

In the physical description of Edwardson, the enlistment officer wrote that his complexion was “fair,” his eyes “blue,” and his hair “dark.” This description does not reflect the racial idea of an Indigenous person, nor did the enlistment officer note that Edwardson was First Nations by writing the commonly used term “Indian” under the section of the form entitled “Distinctive marks, and marks indicating congenital peculiarities or previous disease.”

From what we can see in his records, Edwardson was a member of the 253rd (Queens’ University) Highland Battalion, though he served with a number of other battalions and regiments during his time on the front. Notably, while serving with the 213th Battalion on August 28, 1918, he was wounded in the left hand by a bullet.

Challenges facing researchers

As I mentioned, not knowing that a member of the CEF was Indigenous is a major sticking point for researchers. The attestation files may not contain this information at all. In fact, this is very common in the later years of the First World War. Neither of the two men that I have written about have the telltale designation “Indian” on their attestation forms. The only way we can know for certain that these two men were indeed Indigenous is by relying on additional sources.

The first of such sources is the often-overlooked census records. The census provides vital information about research subjects, and individual information can greatly increase success in researching Indigenous members of the CEF and the Royal Newfoundland Regiment (RNR). In the case of Edwardson, I discovered that he was in fact Indigenous by looking at his record in the 1921 Census. For Shiwak, there was an entirely different route to finding his identity, which was incredibly difficult. I uncovered information about Shiwak’s ethnic heritage through the memoirs of Sydney Frost, a captain with the RNR, entitled A Blue Puttee at War. This memoir, however, is not the only way to find out that Shiwak was Indigenous.

List of names, ages and genders from the 1921 Census.

Census entry for Angus Edwardson and family, 1921 (e003065155).

Secondary sources about the First World War are numerous. For Shiwak, several appear when simply searching his name, but for other, lesser-known Indigenous members of the CEF, this may be more difficult. The excellent book For King and Kanata: Canadian Indians and the First World War by Timothy Winegard shows how we may be able to improve search techniques for Indigenous individuals and groups that served in the CEF. Though not explicitly, Winegard indicates the role of individual communities and their part in deciding to send men to enlist for the war effort. That said, this effort can be difficult, and it is worth reaching out to local genealogical societies and/or Indigenous communities for help in locating a list of names or simply an idea of how many men served from that community.

The final source of information that is quite useful in these cases is the so-called Indian Registers. These are archival documents with lists of names of members of bands. While the registers are a great resource for those researching members of a specific First Nations band and who are able to visit Library and Archives Canada in Ottawa, there are challenges remaining for those who do not know the band of their research subject or whether their subject died during the war. For individuals researching an Inuk or a member of a Métis Nation community, the challenges deepen, as there is very little primary source material from the period immediately after the Great War. It may be possible to identify Inuit or Métis Nation members of the CEF or RNR through secondary sources, but this can be challenging and take time.

Conclusion

Lance Corporal John Shiwak and Private Angus Edwardson both fought during the First World War. The former was Inuk and the latter was First Nations. The two cases exemplify the many challenges that face researchers when they are looking to find information about members of the CEF or RNR who were Indigenous. These challenges are multi-faceted, and they can pose significant difficulties in research into the stories of Indigenous veterans who fought in the Great War. There are some solutions and resources, including consulting archival records (census records specifically), checking with local Indigenous communities, and accessing some resources specific to Indigenous Peoples at Library and Archives Canada. Nevertheless, these proposed solutions can only go so far in helping researchers find information about Indigenous people who served in the First World War.

Additional resources 

Ethan M. Coudenys is a Genealogy Consultant at Library and Archives Canada. They are proudly of Innu heritage and the descendant of a residential school survivor.